He says he's a conservative fighter. The money tells a different story.
Steve Marshall presents himself as a tough, conservative Attorney General — a law-and-order Republican who fights for Alabama families. He touts $730 million in opioid settlements. He claims to root out corruption. He wraps himself in the language of accountability.
That's the image. Here's the record.
Behind the campaign signs and press conferences, Marshall built a financial machine powered by the very people Republican voters distrust most: plaintiff trial lawyers, D.C. lobbyists, and Montgomery insiders. He negotiated secret settlements. He blocked transparency. He protected the people he was supposed to investigate.
And when courts tried to force accountability, he fought them — three times — and lost twice.
This site documents what the wool is designed to hide. Every dollar figure comes from FEC filings. Every court ruling is on the public record. Every conflict is documented.
Steve Marshall presents himself as a lifelong conservative Republican. The record tells a different story — one of political convenience, party-switching, and two appointments by two disgraced governors.
Marshall was a Democrat for over a decade. In 2001, Democratic Governor Don Siegelman — who was later convicted on federal bribery, conspiracy, and fraud charges and sentenced to prison — appointed Marshall as District Attorney of Marshall County. Marshall served as a Democrat DA for ten years, running unopposed three times under the Democratic banner.
In December 2011, as Alabama's political landscape shifted decisively Republican, Marshall switched parties. It wasn't a change of conviction — it was a change of calculation.
Then came the appointment that made his career.
In February 2017, Governor Robert Bentley appointed Marshall as Alabama's Attorney General to fill the vacancy left when Luther Strange was elevated to the U.S. Senate. Two months later, Bentley resigned in disgrace — pleading guilty to misdemeanor campaign finance violations amid a scandal involving misuse of state resources to conduct and cover up an extramarital affair. He was booked into the Montgomery County Jail on his way out.
Marshall has never won an open race for Attorney General. He was handed the office by a governor who became a criminal defendant, then ran twice as the incumbent — the most powerful advantage in Alabama politics.
Appointed by a Democrat governor who went to federal prison. Appointed AG by a Republican governor who pleaded guilty and resigned. Steve Marshall didn't earn this office — he inherited it from two men who disgraced it.
— Based on public records and court documentsNow he wants a promotion to the United States Senate. Alabama voters should ask: when has Steve Marshall ever won anything on his own merits — without a disgraced governor handing it to him, without the power of incumbency protecting him, and without trial lawyers bankrolling him?
In a Republican primary, trial lawyers are political poison. They're associated with lawsuit abuse, Democratic politics, and profiting from litigation against Alabama businesses. Republican voters consistently rank tort reform among their top priorities.
Steve Marshall has taken $130,250 from Alabama's most powerful plaintiff trial lawyers — representing 11.4% of his entire individual fundraising base.
Every single one of these 15 donors is an active, practicing attorney. Not one is retired. These are current practitioners with cases before the courts and financial interests regulated by the Attorney General's office.
For comparison: Barry Moore's trial lawyer money? $0. Jared Hudson's? $0. Marshall is the only major Republican candidate in this primary financially dependent on plaintiff attorneys.
This is the cycle Marshall doesn't want you to see. As Attorney General, he outsourced Alabama's opioid litigation to private trial lawyer firms on contingency — instead of handling it with his own staff. Those firms collected tens of millions in legal fees. Then they turned around and bankrolled his Senate campaign.
Instead of using his own AG office, Marshall retained Beasley Allen and Prince Glover & Hayes on contingency fee contracts to handle Alabama's opioid lawsuits.
Alabama secured nearly $730 million in opioid settlements. In 2022 alone, outside counsel received $40 million in fees. The exact contingency percentages remain undisclosed.
The same Beasley Allen attorneys who profited from the opioid contracts then maxed out their contributions to Marshall's Senate campaign. Multiple partners gave $10,500+ each.
Gibson Vance of Beasley Allen was named to Marshall's official Statewide Finance Committee — formalizing the relationship from donor to campaign insider.
Marshall hired trial lawyers. They collected millions in fees. They turned around and helped bankroll his Senate run. That's not a coincidence — that's a business arrangement.
— Based on FEC filings and Alabama TPAC recordsThese aren't anonymous small-dollar contributors. These are named, active trial lawyers who maxed out their contributions to the Attorney General who regulates their profession. Every figure below comes directly from FEC Schedule A filings.
| Donor | Firm | Total Given | Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| Wilson Daniel Miles III | Beasley Allen | $40,250 | MAX |
| Chris Glover | Beasley Allen | $26,500 | MAX |
| Andy Birchfield | Beasley Allen | $24,500 | Active |
| LaBarron Boone | Beasley Allen | $24,500 | Active |
| J. Greg Allen | Beasley Allen | $17,500 | Active |
| J. Cole Portis | Beasley Allen | $17,500 | Active |
| Thomas Methvin | Beasley Allen | $17,500 | Active |
| Jere L. Beasley | Beasley Allen (Founder) | $17,500 | Active |
| Josh Hayes | Prince Glover Hayes | $17,500 | Active |
| Matt Glover | Prince Glover Hayes | $12,250 | Active |
| Benjamin Baker | Beasley Allen | $10,500 | Active |
| P. Leigh O'Dell | Beasley Allen | $10,500 | Active |
| Dena D. Prince | Prince Glover Hayes | $10,500 | Active |
| Barry Wax | Beasley Allen | $10,000 | Active |
| CG Vance | Beasley Allen | $3,500 | Finance Committee |
In 1999, Mabel Amos died and left a charitable trust to fund scholarships for students in Conecuh County, Alabama. After oil was discovered on the trust property, the fund grew — and insiders began helping themselves.
Tom Albritton, Director of the Alabama Ethics Commission, steered $135,000 in scholarships to his own children between 2013 and 2019. When Lagniappe broke the story in 2021, the Amos family sued.
In March 2023, Steve Marshall intervened — accusing Albritton of "fraud." That looked like accountability. But what Marshall did next tells the real story.
For the past couple of years, Marshall's office has acted primarily as a blocker in this case. While other plaintiffs have sought to have the finances of the Amos Fund publicly accounted for, Marshall's office has fought tooth and nail to keep that information under wraps.
— Rob Holbert, Lagniappe, February 8, 2025Marshall negotiated a secret settlement with Regions Bank behind closed doors — disclosing terms only "in camera," meaning other plaintiffs were excluded from the room. He fought to keep it hidden. He tried to remove the Amos family members and a 10th-grade scholarship hopeful from the case entirely.
An attorney for the other plaintiffs called it what it was:
Instead of making the trust whole, it is likely that the proposed settlement is a sweetheart deal.
— Byron Mathews, Attorney for Tyra Lindsey, December 2025The Alabama Supreme Court rejected Marshall's tactics twice — in January 2025 and again on December 17, 2025 (5-3 vote). He's now 1-2 before the state's highest court on this single case.
The Mabel Amos case isn't just about a secret settlement. It's about a pattern of insider protection so tangled that even Marshall's own attorneys had to withdraw.
Accused of fraud by Marshall. His children received $135,000 from the Amos Fund. Marshall has not criminally prosecuted him.
Works as an Assistant Attorney General in Marshall's own office. Marshall is supposed to prosecute his employee's brother.
Paid $150,000 of taxpayer money to handle the Amos case. Had to withdraw in April 2024 after his conflict was exposed.
Appointed to the Alabama Ethics Commission in November 2023 — the same body that could fire Tom Albritton. Partners in same law firm.
Contributed to Marshall's campaigns. Marshall negotiated a secret settlement with them. Eventually removed as administrator by Judge Griffin.
Receives millions from Marshall's AG office annually while representing Regions in the secret settlement negotiations.
The attorney representing the AG in a case targeting the Ethics Commission Director has a brother on the Ethics Commission who could fire that director. The man Marshall accused of fraud has a brother on Marshall's own staff. The bank Marshall cut a secret deal with donated to his campaign.
That's not justice. That's a family business.
The documented record of Marshall's actions — from the discovery of the scandal through his repeated defeats in court.
Steve Marshall wants to go from Attorney General to U.S. Senator while his cover-up is being exposed in real time. The courts aren't buying it. Alabama voters shouldn't either.